Ken Paxton Defeats John Cornyn, Creating a $250 Million Drain on Trump’s Senate Strategy

Texas Attorney General Ken Paxton, who Trump endorsed over incumbent Senator John Cornyn, speaks to supporters at a watch party in Dallas on March 3, 2026. —Sergio Flores—Getty Images

(SeaPRwire) –   For more than a year, Republicans urged President Donald Trump’s White House advisers with a straightforward request: if he couldn’t bring himself to endorse Sen. John Cornyn, could he at least refrain from speaking out?

That, of course, proved impossible. Last week, Trump endorsed Cornyn’s primary challenger in Texas, state Attorney General Ken Paxton, and on Tuesday Paxton secured victory in a heated, expensive runoff to advance to the general election this November. Senate Republicans had poured $90 million into defending their respected colleague and defeating the scandal-plagued Paxton. They lost—and now face an unsettling reality they had hoped to dodge: a projected $250 million. That’s the figure now circulating among GOP insiders for the cost of ensuring Paxton holds onto the seat—funds that would otherwise go toward flipping Democratic seats in states like Georgia, Michigan, or New Hampshire.

Trump’s latest purge within his own party may carry greater consequences than some of his recent moves. Texas hasn’t sent a Democrat to the U.S. Senate in nearly four decades. Should Republicans end up spending a fortune to help Paxton defeat Democrat James Talarico—and still fall short—it would mark a shocking end to the nation’s longest Democratic drought in Senate elections, with Trump bearing significant responsibility.

It’s hardly an overstatement to say that establishment Republicans are furious that Trump’s personal grievances are removing as much as a quarter-billion dollars from their national strategy—all because the President deemed Cornyn insufficiently loyal to the MAGA movement, despite his voting record. Cornyn managed legislative tallies for Trump’s first term, assisted in confirming both Cabinets and all three Supreme Court nominees, and voted with Trump 99.2% of the time—a higher loyalty rate than even Texas’ other senator, Ted Cruz.

Trump didn’t care. He admired how Paxton used his role as Attorney General to antagonize Democrats and embraced a political style that occasionally bordered on destructive nihilism. Cornyn, by contrast, is a pragmatic institutionalist who collaborates with Democrats when possible and refused Trump’s demand to eliminate the Senate filibuster. In the end, style triumphed over substance, personality over policy. If you’re not donning a red MAGA hat, you’re out.

Cornyn, once a leading candidate to head the Senate Republican conference just two years ago, was widely viewed as a safe bet for re-election. Republicans—both in Washington and across Texas—warned that naming Paxton as the nominee would jeopardize the state’s decades-long winning streak, given the extensive history of serious allegations against him, including corruption, marital misconduct, abuse of power, securities fraud, and bribery—a record so damning that the Republican-controlled Texas House impeached him in 2023. (He was acquitted by the GOP-led state Senate.)

With Paxton as the nominee, Democrats now see a far more viable path for their candidate, state Representative James Talarico. (To read my report on traveling with Talarico through West Texas, click here.) Paxton provides Democrats with a ready-made opponent whose vulnerabilities make attack ads almost write themselves. Even as Cornyn and his allies tried—and failed—to highlight Paxton’s baggage, the senator repeatedly warned that Democrats would exploit it relentlessly.

Long before Tuesday’s runoff, it was evident that this remains Trump’s Republican Party. Earlier this month, Trump ousted five GOP state legislators in Indiana for resisting the White House’s effort to redraw U.S. House districts to eliminate Democratic incumbents. He withheld support from Sen. Bill Cassidy in Louisiana due to Cassidy’s vote to convict Trump during his second impeachment trial, instead backing a primary challenger who won. And Rep. Tom Massie is set to leave Kentucky politics early next year after Trump launched a primary challenge against him for offenses including advocating accountability for convicted sex offender Jeffrey Epstein.

Taken together, these actions reveal a clear pattern: Trump is at his weakest with the broader electorate yet at his strongest in enforcing ideological purity among his base. While his national approval ratings remain low, his influence within the GOP remains formidable. As Trump struggles with an unpopular war in Iran, fails to address rising gas prices, and continues hurling rhetorical attacks at his perceived foes, he’s left with a revenge-driven agenda—one he can control.

By sidelining Cornyn and handing Democrats even a slim opportunity, he’s left another Senate seat vulnerable. Moreover, a potential Talarico victory at the top of the ticket in Texas could energize Democratic candidates in down-ballot House races. This decision could ultimately boost the odds of Democrats taking control of both chambers of Congress—a self-inflicted wound whose full impact Trump may not grasp until the new Congress convenes next year and oversight committees begin issuing subpoenas.

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