For a long time, America’s primary strategic edge against China has been its worldwide system of robust alliances. Regrettably, the unpredictable actions of President Donald Trump have put this at risk. 

In the past fortnight, a number of our longest-standing and closest partners have initiated moves to protect their interests and create distance from the United States. The outcome is that America is growing more isolated in a perilous global environment. 

Congressional Republicans must recognize this threat and defend America’s alliances before the situation deteriorates further. When confronted with President Trump’s inflammatory remarks, my GOP counterparts frequently advise me to focus on his actions, not his words. I would offer them the same counsel regarding our allies. 

Recently, the Canadian Prime Minister traveled to Beijing and inked a fresh trade agreement with China. The UK Prime Minister has also established a foundation for increased collaboration with Beijing, notwithstanding numerous security worries. The French President attended the World Economic Forum and sought more foreign direct investment from China. Furthermore, after almost twenty years of talks, the European Union has concluded a substantial new trade pact with India and a group of South American nations to lessen its dependence on the United States. 

Each of these developments individually would be worrisome. Occurring collectively over a two-week period, they represent a critical emergency for our global standing. These countries are not merely our closest allies—they are the foundational supports of the international system that enabled the United States to become the planet’s most powerful and wealthy nation. 

Currently, our allies have lost faith in Trump, and consequently, in the United States. 

This was evident when I headed a bipartisan congressional delegation to Copenhagen a fortnight ago, during the peak of Trump’s threats targeting Greenland and Denmark. In every discussion—with executives, with officials from Greenland and Denmark, with ordinary Danish citizens—I detected frustration and concern, but beyond that, the potential for a fundamental rupture. As NATO members, they would willingly assist us, as they did following the September 11 attacks. Proportionally, more of their citizens fought and died with our troops in Afghanistan than those of any other ally. Regrettably, they no longer believe we would reciprocate by aiding them. 

I have observed this identical schism in gatherings with international leaders across all continents this past year. They are disturbed by the President’s irrational conduct, and particularly by his threats of tariffs. 

In April 2025, my visit to Taiwan provided clear evidence of this harm—and of Trump’s risky foreign policy tactics. Taiwan had just committed to enormous investments in the United States totaling more than . Shortly after that commitment, Trump announced his plan to levy a 32% tariff regardless. The United States has consistently asked Europe to increase its contributions to NATO. Last year, they proposed significant new commitments to our shared defense, but that did not satisfy Trump. Now, our allies are pondering more and more: What is the point of investing in the United States if they will oppose us immediately afterward? 

The executive branch is pushing away our hard-earned partners and allies. It is the responsibility of the legislative branch to halt this. 

Firstly, Congress must take action and terminate Trump’s practice of announcing tariffs via social media. Our European allies were justifiably concerned by the president’s threat of major new tariffs on NATO members if they failed to back his attempt to acquire Greenland. This even prompted the Europeans to contemplate deploying their “”—an instrument created to counter China—against Washington rather than Beijing. The Senate has approved resolutions to restrict the president’s ability to impose tariffs on our closest partners. It is now the House’s turn to follow suit. 

We should also implement my legislation, which would ban any new tariffs on key allies and trading partners without approval from Congress. This is how we communicate a definitive message to the world that Congress will not tolerate this behavior.

Secondly, we ought to pass the bill to demonstrate that Trump does not have exclusive control over American foreign policy. By bypassing Congress, Trump has made it clear that he considers his constitutional obligation to consult with Congress an annoyance, at most. And considering the president’s liking for “” military actions, Congress must act without delay.

In a similar vein, we should approve Senators Shaheen and Murkowski’s proposal, which would block the United States from invading NATO allies without authorization from Congress, mirroring the 2023 measure from then-Senator Rubio and Senator Kaine that forbade the U.S. from exiting NATO without congressional consent. President Trump may have retreated from his threats to invade Greenland, but only a naive person would assume he could not reverse that decision overnight. 

China is an adversary of comparable strength. They are almost equal to us in every dimension—economically, militarily, and technologically. Nevertheless, if we unite our economic and military power with that of our democratic allies, we instantly become larger, more powerful, and more durable, even as China aligns with Russia and Iran. 

We are unable, and should not attempt, to confront Beijing by ourselves. Sadly, it appears increasingly likely that, because of President Trump, we will have to.