On Monday, U.S. President Donald Trump welcomed Syria’s transitional President Ahmed Sharaa at the White House. This meeting held considerable significance in multiple respects, primarily as it marked the inaugural occasion a Syrian President had been hosted at the White House. Trump and Sharaa had previously convened in Riyadh, Saudi Arabia, on May 14. This earlier date was almost as notable as the White House visit itself, coinciding exactly with the 20th anniversary of Sharaa’s arrest by American forces for his affiliation with al-Qaeda in Iraq. Following this, when Sharaa began engaging in conflict within Syria, the U.S. not only designated him a terrorist but also placed a bounty on his head.

This reception at the White House appears to herald a new chapter in Syrian-American relations, especially considering the U.S. has categorized Syria as a “state sponsor of terrorism” since 1979, with additional sanctions being imposed by the Reagan, George W. Bush, and Obama Administrations.

Such a transformation for a former jihadist is indeed remarkable, though perhaps not entirely unprecedented upon closer examination. Sharaa spent the majority of the 2006-2008 Iraqi civil war imprisoned, thus precluding his involvement in assaults on Shia civilians. Upon his release in March 2011, precisely as the Syrian Revolution commenced, he returned to Syria to establish Ahrar al-Sham, which subsequently evolved into Hay’at Tahrir al-Sham (HTS). These militant factions predominantly focused their efforts on combating Bashar al-Assad and the Iranian-backed militias supporting his regime. Crucially, they refrained from attacking Western targets and avoided the large-scale civilian casualty operations characteristic of Iraqi jihadist groups.

Sharaa explicitly severed ties with ISIS in 2013 and has maintained a continuous struggle against the group since 2014. Now in power, his objective is to foster positive international relations rather than pursuing apocalyptic warfare. Furthermore, in contrast to ISIS’s enforcement of a strict dress code via morality police, women in Sharaa’s Damascus are free to dress as they choose.

The U.S. previously conducted numerous anti-ISIS operations in Idlib, an area under HTS control, including the raid that killed Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi in 2019. Despite the absence of direct coordination, HTS fighters did not engage U.S. special forces. Informal understandings evolved into direct collaboration after Sharaa assumed leadership on December 8 last year, culminating in at least a dozen joint raids. Following the White House meeting, Syria has now officially joined the U.S.-led coalition against ISIS, which is expected to facilitate even more combined actions. A more significant consequence is that the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF)—the Kurdish-led militia controlling substantial parts of northeastern Syria—can no longer claim to be the Coalition’s primary ground force. This development marks a step towards Syria’s reunification under a single central authority.

Nevertheless, Sharaa faces persistent challenges. Elements within Syrian civil society express apprehension that he is consolidating power within the presidency and are concerned about a lack of transparency in governmental decisions. After his organization took control of Idlib in 2017, it faced accusations of assassinating civil society figures and journalists. However, it’s worth noting that autocratic governance or the killing of journalists rarely impede U.S. friendships with Middle Eastern nations. For instance, Israel killed the Palestinian American journalist Shireen Abu Akleh, and Saudi Arabia murdered Washington Post journalist and U.S. resident Jamal Khashoggi.

A more pressing concern is the frequent indiscipline and abusive conduct exhibited by Sharaa’s troops. Since Syria’s liberation from Assad, two significant outbreaks of violence have escalated into sectarian clashes—one in March, when some pro-government militias attacked Alawite civilians, and another in July, when they attacked Christians.

Fortunately, there is evidence suggesting that Sharaa’s government acknowledges the seriousness of these violent incidents. Sources indicate that hundreds of individuals have been apprehended for offenses committed against non-Sunni Muslim civilians, though these arrests have not been publicly announced.

The question arises as to why the government would not publicize these arrests. Such transparency is crucial to assure Syrians, particularly vulnerable minority communities, that a rule of law is being established. The plausible explanation is that the government fears provoking a public dispute with its Sunni Islamist support base.

Fourteen years of conflict have fractured the social fabric, eroding connections between sects, villages, and even families. Sharaa likely believes that economic reconstruction and job creation will stabilize Syria. If traumatized, displaced individuals are provided with employment and housing, their anger will diminish, reducing their propensity for violence.

The Trump Administration shares this perspective. President Trump has now lifted all executive sanctions on Syria, and the majority of statutory measures imposed by Congress and the Senate are in the process of being rescinded.

Syria’s stabilization is in the global interest. For 14 years, the country has been a source of terrorists, refugees, and regional instability. Should the new government falter, global security will bear the consequences.

This reasoning is why U.S. Special Envoy Tom Barrack has stated, “There is no Plan B” for Syria, underscoring the imperative behind the historic White House meeting.